Young voters are asked to make a tremendous sacrifice: lay off the bottle the night before Election Day; the debate continues over the nature of MoveOn; the RNC goes after Barack Obama on his supposed audacity; 10 Downing Street embraces Twitter with both hands; and more -- more, in fact, than you can shake a stick at.

A new spot from MoveOn that will become MTV's second ever political ad involves jokey references to STDs and a confusing chicken metaphor -- both things that are big hits with the kids!; an activist group spawned online is pioneering in the cable TV space, using a service that brokers tiny slices of airtime for as little as the cost of a sandwich; the RNC riffs off Facebook to shed some negative attention on Barack Obama's "friends," it we ask if the effort is worth it; and a great deal more, my friends, a great deal more.

MoveOn announces the winner of its Obama ad contest; Andrew Sullivan, the web, and the fight against obedience, submission, and authoritarianism; a videoblogger asks, where is Ralph Nader's party and organization?; LisaNova nails a Hillary/Sunset Blvd. impression; Surrender Hillary is popping up across the land; two candidate Twitter feeds aggregate Twitter-chatter about the candidates; and George Bush submits to his first online-only (but not live) interview.

MySpace and NBC team up for mutual back scratching enhanced campaign coverage; Andrew Romano on headline-happy coverage from the campaign trail; MoveOn announces voting on voter-submitted pro-Obama videos; the Obama money bomb bombs; rural Pennsylvanians shopping at Cabela's prefer Obama to Clinton; IT pros on the election; a profile of Clinton's director of online finance and more confusion about voters and ATM machines; and the YouTubing of politics spreads to the London mayoral race.

The HuffPost breaks more news, this time about Hillary's close-door comments; two strategists weigh in on why there's no conservative MoveOn; the perils of Obama's social networking strategy; a million strong Facebookers are united against Hillary; now you too can become Hillary, Barack, or John; and Time tackles the roots of liberal dominance of the web.

Ronald Brownstein says we're in the midst of the first truly 21st century campaign; Eventful goes local; MoveOn petitions against ABC; Ethan Zuckerman and the Berkman crew watch their favorite YouTube videos; the Village Voice links to its (least) favorite conservative bloggers; a poll of online Pennsylvanians shows a bias for Barack; teddy bear versions of the candidates; and George Bush and Gordon Brown trade Twitter secrets.

The quest for the conservative MoveOn continues; Bittergate erupts from a citizen journalist's reporting; Bitter Voters for Obama supports their candidate; a Twitter feed reports every new superdelegate to declare his or her support; what's being reflected in Dick Cheney's sunglasses?; and grading the candidates' use of LinkedIn.

The Letter Wars: MoveOn fights a letter from Clinton donors with their own letter; Political Machine is apparently some sort of game about politics. We're not sure; a conversation about Obama and the "digital presidency" is revived on Slashdot; and Mike Gravel is still in this thing, even if YouTube doesn't think so.

Talk about viral video: a malicious email claiming to link to a Clinton video can actually infect your computer with malware; Danny Glover launches a new site, comes out of the closet; the Blackroots are behind Donna Edwards' win; which Dem has the best poverty agenda?; a strange piece of web art is like a mundane Chuck Norris Facts for Obama; charting the various ways Obama has been winning; McCain reaches out to conservative bloggers; and there's a six-foot-seven-inch Jewish faith healer in the race!

The Obama Campaign does not stress its historic Internet success. It does not even discuss the web as an obvious metaphor for Obama's candidacy: An open frontier where race and gender recede, new ideas vanquish the old, and citizens converse and connect in ways that the prior generations would never understand, let alone support. Perhaps that is simply because no presidential candidate wants to sound like the next Howard Dean. Or maybe, the campaign knows that you don't build a movement by talking about it. You do it, person by person, until one day, everyone can see it.